Mario Vargas Llosa
I know well the Peruvian Amazonia, where I have been often and where three of my novels happen, and have seen closely the terrible living conditions of his native communities. From the XIXth century, when the climax of the rubber, the natives of the forest have been ill-treated in a wicked way, expelled from his grounds by merchants esclavistas, decimated in the caucherías, and, later, brutalizados for adventurers without conscience who were looking for gold and other metals, for the drug traffickers, for the guerrillas and by the police, and always forgotten by the governments of the Republic, none of which ever worried about the luck of this minority that was representing very little from the electoral point of view.
That's why, between all the regions of Peru, none as the Amazonia needs with more urgency that the lawlessness and the "law of the forest" that there reign are replaced by a just and stable legal order that guarantees to the native communities his rights and opens to them the opportunities of progress and progress that only the economic development – that is to say the multiplication of private enterprises and national and foreign investments - and the democratic legality can obtain. In the regions of Peru where it has happened, as in Lima and in the whole region of the coast and in many places of the northern saw, the progress in the latter years has been spectacular, it has reduced the poverty levels, generated the highest employment rates and, thanks to the mining canon provided to the provinces of a few revenues that they never had in the past. From this there have just resigned in a suicidal way the Amazon communities that continued the retrograde slogans of Alberto Pizango.
Not only he owes to be rubbing the hands now, in his Nicaraguan exile. Also Fidel Castro and the big winner of this operation that is, of course, commander Hugo Chávez. Peru is one of two thorns that has dives in the gullet the Venezuelan commander. Other one, Colombia. For his sleep megalomaniacs of turning into the new Bolivar, in South America it has Bolivia already kidnapped, semikidnapped to Ecuador, neutralized to Argentina that, anyhow, in the rotten pan in which the husbands Kirchner have turned to this ancient big country, might keep on decomposing up to falling down tied of feet and hands in his arms. Brazil is too big and distant to be able to swallow it, but crafty Lula, who has her own project – at light years of that of Chávez - will never do shade to him, one nor will face him, while it could extract profit of the Venezuelan petrodollars that the strong man of Caracas wastes to tact.
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Chile either it detached, either almost it is not a country of the third world, so that to more that Chávez might inhale is it to help to destabilize. Peru and Colombia, on the other hand, are two targets that might still fall down in his networks. That's why, the Venezuelan commander helps the Colombian FARC and the bands ultrarrevolucionarias (miscellany of drug traffickers and terrorists) who operate in the Peruvian region of the Apurímac and of the Ene, and sponsors generously to the political forces of extreme left that in both countries try for all the means, legal or illegal, to clog the model – political democracy and market economy - that, in the last years, to Colombia, and especially to Peru, has brought a progress without precedents.
This is the context in which there is that it is necessary to place the happened in the Peruvian Amazonia to understand it cabalmente. The responsibility of those who, in a way as senseless as demagogic, have used the indigenous communities mobilizing them in a war opened against a few measurements of which they had been the first beneficiaries, inculcating the stupid lies according to which those decrees were part of the agreement of free trade signed between Peru and the United States and wanted to deprive them of his grounds (that they have never had really), is enormous. At least he has remained demonstrated, once again, that there is no moral limit not politically that the enemies of the freedom are not ready to transgress. And, also, that the reforms that a democratic government tackles, for more beneficial that they are, must reach a popular consensus before being tackled, so that, as it has happened in this case, they do not turn out to be counter-productive and end up by aggravating the problems that they wanted to solve.
*) Published in The Commerce, of Lima (Peru), in his edition of June 28.
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